Tamil Solidarity (TS) Annual General Meeting (AGM) – 22nd March 2025
Tamil Solidarity (TS) held its Annual General Meeting (AGM) on 22nd March 2025. The meeting reviewed reports on past activities, financial matters, and other key areas, while also proposing new changes to strengthen the organisation.
As part of the effort to build TS on a strong foundation for future struggles, it was proposed to establish a youth core team. Consequently, the National Coordinating Committee (NCC) was not elected, but its active members will continue to take on various responsibilities to support the growth of TS.
The AGM also agreed on the following action plans:
- Strengthen fundraising strategies to enhance financial stability.
- Ensure greater transparency in trade union donations.
- Improve communication and outreach to expand political influence.
- Develop new strategies to increase public engagement in activism.
- Establish a core team that fosters open participation among young activists.
- Strengthen collaboration with other Tamil youth organisations and groups.
- Implement new financial strategies to sustain the organisation.
- Encourage greater membership participation and involvement.
- Build and empower the youth team more effectively.
The Following document was prepared in early January 2025 as background information for discussions within Tamil Solidarity leading up to the AGM in March 2025. Translated from Tamil.
Rebuilding Tamil Solidarity
- A Changing World
The NPP coalition won an absolute majority in the recent parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka. The seats of the traditional parties in the regions of the north-east of the Tamil speaking people have declined significantly in this election. There is a possibility that global and regional changes will further put Tamil political representation under crisis
This year, the world is set to face an economic crisis like never before. The largest economies in the globe are unstable. With economic stagnation and uncertainty intensifying competition between states is on the increase. As a result, these nations are competing to secure their own interests and have pushed towards fiscal wars. Global debt is at an all time high and national debt payment is eating into the essential social spendings. For example, the United States spent 13% of its 2024 fiscal year budget—nearly $169 billion—solely on debt interest payments.
Similarly, each country is forced to spend a specified portion of its GDP on interest payments to service its debt. This has severely impacted public investments in education, healthcare, and social welfare. Governments, prioritizing profit over people’s needs, are implementing austerity measures, cutting essential services, and in turn, facing domestic resistance.
The world’s largest economies, the United States, Britain, France, Germany, and China, are competing to defend their economies, dividing and uniting based on their own interests. As a result, smaller economies are suffering and will continue to weaken further which is likely to cause many smaller nations to face bankruptcy by 2025. As economic rivalries escalate, there is an increased possibility of conflicts to arise, especially in the Middle East and East Asia.
In the current situation, Asia is the second most powerful region in the world economy after the United States, with China and India at its core. Emerging economies – and the future of the global economy – depend on the growth and decline of this region.
The state of this region will determine the future of the world economy – and indeed the future of the world. This means that we cannot take a simplistic singular approach to India and China. That is, we cannot assume or understand the situation by simply equating India and China as enemies in the region. It will be wrong for us to use simplistic logic and believe that we can protect our interests by swinging between them.
The world is now multipolar, where each nation will unite where their interests align and clash where they diverge. In opposition to US-led Trump’s dollar first policy, the BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, Indian, China, and South Africa) are attempting to create a common currency among themselves. If successful, this would pose a direct challenge to the dollar, if this does occur Trump has warned that any countries using their common currency will face a 100% tariff on imports
The existing world order is being challenged. At the same time internal contradictions exist within these BRICS nations. However, with the addition of South Africa and Indonesia joining, BRICS continues to strengthen in opposition. Even within Western nations, economic interests are pulling them in different directions. For example, UK Chancellor Rachel Reeves announced that Britain is considering allowing Chinese electric car production within its borders. While this would boost the British economy, it directly contradicts U.S. interests. In a multipolar world, economies are being pulled in different directions by both self-interest and power.
For years, a flawed argument has been pushed that since the U.S. and Europe oppose China, they will naturally back India as a substitute. But this assumption is oversimplified and unrealistic. The geopolitical landscape is far more complex. For instance, China, Iran, and Russia have forged agreements over energy security, while India remains dependent on Russian oil. As a result, India cannot fully align with the West. This was evident during the Ukraine war when India refused to take a stance against Russia, despite U.S. pressure. Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar openly criticised Western hypocrisy, asserting that India will act in its own best interests rather than blindly follow Western demands. Every economy today is struggling—inflation, currency devaluation, and interest rate hikes are being used as economic weapons in a global trade war that is already underway.
The current Trump administration is a government designed to serve the interests of the capitalist elite. Since the first U.S. constitutional amendment following its civil war, this is one of the least democratic administrations in American history. How far this government will go to protect capitalist profits remains uncertain. As the trade war escalates, development funds to smaller regions are being cut, but imperialist pressures on these regions are intensifying.
- The Unchanged Sri Lankan Government
Sri Lanka’s new government has taken office in such a global context as described initially. There is a narrative being pushed that this is a ‘parliament of the educated’. In reality, it is a parliament of the inexperienced. Whilst Anura was visiting India, a Chinese state-owned ship arrived at Hambantota simultaneously, and soon after, praises started pouring in about how Anura had skillfully balanced India and China, achieving a ‘diplomatic victory’. But this is not a victory, the hidden truth behind this is that they have surrendered and submitted to the demands and conditions of their masters.
Sri Lanka has never been a fully sovereign nation under any previous administration. So, in what way has Anura “reclaimed” Sri Lanka’s sovereignty?
Anura had accepted all conditions that India proposed during his visit in India, including: the use of the Indian currency, prioritising India’s regional interests, providing guarantees for Indian investment, and ensuring energy security. This is exactly what Ranil did. How, then, is this new government following a different economic policy? Anura is also continuing the neoliberal economic approach of the Ranil administration. Do Anura and his allies think the people are fools? They seem to believe that by implementing regional powers’ conditions, they can maneuver their way into global geopolitics.
Anura is simply raising the child that Ranil said he is carefully caring for. While it may be possible to stabilise Sri Lanka’s economy within the framework of capitalist principles, its decline cannot be stopped. The people will have to face continuous crises. This has also been underlined by the Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath.
Since the formation of this new government, a few things have taken place. Subsidies have been given to local producers and prices of goods have been brought under control. Salary arrears have been paid to some employees, due to this, some trade unions have decided to give Anura extra time. However, the real struggle will only begin in 2025. This crisis cannot be resolved with the economic policies of ‘Anura Wickremesinghe’.
The NPP government promised it would repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), but it has used that law against many activists within a short period of time. This is the true nature of the disgusting approach of this government that pretends to respect democratic rights. Through this (PTA), they have predicted that they will suppress those who oppose them in the future through cruel laws. Those who once stood with us in the streets against the PTA, demanding its repeal, are now sitting in Parliament under the NPP, accepting their demands and choosing to remain silent. This betrayal is deeply disheartening.
Where is the justice for the injustices faced by Muslims in the Easter bombings? Why aren’t the demands for a salary increase for hill country plantation workers and the release of political prisoners addressed immediately? What are those who call themselves progressive trade unionists doing in Parliament? What hesitation do they have in protecting the democratic rights of the people without compromise?
What steps has the Anura-led government taken against corruption? Is their so-called anti-corruption campaign limited to arresting a few individuals and imposing travel bans? What action has been taken against their former allies, the Rajapaksas? Are they afraid of them, or have they once again become allies? What is your real plan to fight corruption? Are you going to betray the people who voted for you?!
- The Need to Continue the Tamil People’s Struggle
As far as the Tamil people are concerned, their democratic rights are being continuously denied, while economic policies remain systematically discriminatory against them. The so-called economic benefits promised to Tamils have proven to be nothing more than empty rhetoric. In reality, no tangible economic benefit has materialised.
During Anura’s visit to India, Modi in his speech reiterated the need to implement the 13th Amendment. This was not out of any genuine concern for Tamil rights, but rather a reaffirmation of India’s strategy to use the Tamil issue as a bargaining chip for its own regional interests.
Anura, much like former President J.R. Jayawardene, has taken the position: “We will do what you need, but do not interfere in our handling of the Tamil question.” As long as India’s strategic interests are safeguarded, there will be no pressure on Sri Lanka regarding the implementation of 13th Amendment. However, if Sri Lanka defies Indian interests, the demand for its implementation will intensify. The 13th Amendment is nothing more than a negotiation tool—it was never intended as a genuine mechanism nor concern for progressing Tamils’ rights. At best, its full implementation is only a starting point, not the final solution for the Tamil Struggle.
Today, the political leadership of the Tamil-speaking people has completely disappeared. A generation has still not recovered from the trauma of the 2009 genocide of the Tamil people by the Sri Lankan government, which resulted in the destruction of the economy and livelihoods. The systematic dismantling of Tamil leadership over time is now fully evident. The political connection between the Tamil diaspora and the homeland has been severed, reducing the diaspora’s role to mere charity work. Sections of the diaspora have begun working with governments, while many lack the understanding of political, economic, or geopolitical awareness. As a result, they fail to accurately predict the political situation correctly, hence, they operate without a clear vision. A small faction remains trapped in the past, failing to evolve politically.
There is no future for Tamil youth in Sri Lanka today. Their options are limited: either flee the country or depend on remittances from relatives abroad. This has created a kind of hopeless situation for them. Fostering a deep sense of disillusionment it has pushed political struggle to the sidelines. The youth in Eelam search for hope within their hopelessness—this explains the votes received by the NPP in the North-East. It was not a sign of trust but rather an expression of desperation.
Does this mean that the Tamil national struggle has been pushed back? No. The resistance against Sinhala-Buddhist colonisation in the North-East and the demand to protect Tamil linguistic and cultural rights are growing. However, this movement is not gaining strength per se. Those who voice Tamil national aspirations are still treated as criminals by the Sri Lankan state, facing persecution under draconian laws like the PTA.
Those committed to Tamil national aspiration must unify three key demands: national rights, democratic rights, and economic justice. These must be articulated together, not in isolation. Furthermore, a deep understanding of global political shifts is necessary to advance these demands effectively. Unfortunately, such a force does not yet exist—but it must now be built.
- The next generation must take on leadership
We believe that power can and must be rebuilt by the new generation. This historic period demands precisely such a new beginning. This new beginning cannot be created by Sritharan, Chanakyan, of ITAK (TNA) or those who stand beside them. It can only emerge from the conversations and political consciousness developing among the youth. The greatest barrier to this transformation lies within us — a lack of political dialogue. The absence of political understanding, political trust, and interest in politics – This must be overturned.
Even amidst these obstacles, we firmly believe in the political rise of a new generation and its potential to form strong, organized structures. We believe that the youth can launch a united movement — for democratic rights and national demands — that will drive our future forward. To achieve this, youth organisations must be formed – Political discussions must be facilitated. This is not optional – it is a necessity. As stated before, the disconnect between the homeland and diaspora politics stems from a lack of clarity and depth in political engagement here. In the diaspora, political activity has been crippled by personal slanders and clique-based actions. This proves without doubt: the older generation that continues to defend the status quo -seek solution within the framework of capitalism cannot lead this new change.
While we honour their sacrifices and dedication, we must be blunt: they cannot spearhead the next revolution. We call upon Tamil Solidarity in Britain, TYO, and all politically engaged individuals — artists, journalists, and activists — to come together and lead this historic initiative. Whether in Sri Lanka or in the diaspora, it is imperative that we build youth political groups and foster spaces for discussion. If we fail to act now, we fail our people. We reject any hollow rhetoric about “Tamil nationalism” that lacks genuine understanding of the national struggle. The Tamil people’s nationalism is a demand for self-determination, democratic rights, and economic justice. That is what we support. And that is the struggle we must wage.
In the diaspora, too many reduce Tamil nationalism to empty words. They don’t advance our people’s struggle even by a single step. They refuse to raise the banner of self-determination, instead relegating it to the past. We reject that view — we declare it is the people’s right — and we fight with that demand at the forefront.
- The Transformation of Tamil Solidarity
Tamil Solidarity rose from the ashes of the 2009 genocide. We have led major struggles and political campaigns. We continue our work, unwavering, in the belief that the struggle for the rights of Tamil-speaking people must carry on. It is no exaggeration to say that Tamil Solidarity has had a significant political impact among youth. Now, we believe the next generation must take this further — they must lead with bolder political action. Though many young people contribute through media and fundraising, this is not enough. Political leadership must emerge. And that means youth must take political responsibility into their own hands.
At a time of deep political distrust, we demand leadership be transferred to youth. Tamil Solidarity intends to set the precedent. We call for all organizational leadership to be handed over to the younger generation. And this transfer must be more than symbolic. It must empower youth to act with independence and initiative. We have decided to put this into immediate action by handing over responsibilities within Tamil Solidarity to the youth. Those currently in such roles will continue their political contributions by taking other responsibiities. Some may argue this is a dangerous decision. That young people may fall short of expectations. But clinging to power and denying the next generation their place — that is what’s truly dangerous.
We recognize the current lack of political awareness among youth. But this is temporary — and we believe it will change. Tamil Solidarity is taking this so-called ‘risky’ step because we are determined to build a stronger political future. We believe it is only the new generation who can break today’s political stagnation and push this struggle forward. They will learn by doing — through direct engagement in frontline politics. We call on all organizations to participate in this conversation. Without selfish motives, with a commitment to political liberation — join this dialogue with open hearts. Youth groups and activists must find a common ground to meet. Let us build a space for structured dialogue, where we can cultivate political influence, forge political understanding, and exchange vital information and above all, build a formidable fighting organisation.