The arrest of Ranil Wickremesinghe, even on what some might dismiss as a minor charge, is not a “victory” in itself but a political warning. For decades, the ruling class maintained an unspoken rule that a sitting or former president stood above the law, untouchable by the state apparatus no matter the crimes committed. Yesterday’s events pierced that illusion to some extent. The real question, however, is whether this marks a genuine break in the system or merely an exception forced under pressure.
The process of remanding Wickremesinghe exposed the enormous resistance the capitalist elite & supporting liberal democrats can summon when one of their own is threatened. It took nearly six hours for a magistrate to issue the order under the “Offences Against Public Property Act”. This was not simply bureaucratic delay. It reflected the enormous weight of political pressure bearing down on the judiciary.
The political establishment moved in full force: Cynical stunts, like the involvement of YouTuber “Suda,” were deployed to shape public opinion even before he was arrested, large number of high-ranking politicians including former President Maithripala Sirisena appeared in court, supporters were whipped into a frenzy, the capitalist media sang in unison to portray Wickremesinghe as a victim, even sudden power outages disrupted proceedings. Every instrument of bourgeois influence was brought to bear to secure bail for one man.
Their failure of this time should not be misread as a decisive crack in the system. It was not the tide turning against the elite, but a glimpse of the balance of forces that confronts the NPP. It is not a challenge to the establishment, but action forced to serve some of the expectation of the masses. But the Rajapaksa family and other gangs of criminals that the masses vehemently opposed during the Aragalaya remains at large.
The NPP is by no means a left-wing party. In fact, judging by its actions and political program, it can barely be categorized even as bordering on the left. Yet a large number of people with a bourgeois mindset still perceive it as a leftist threat, and approach it with hostility.
The outcry of “political victimization” was not about Wickremesinghe alone but about defending the principle that the political elite of this country must remain untouchable. Namal Rajapaksa spelled this out clearly: if this precedent is allowed, future heads of state will hesitate to take decisions “on behalf of the country.” This was a class warning, not a personal defense of Wickremesinghe.
Of course, Wickremesinghe has far greater crimes on his record—the burning of the Jaffna Library in 1981, complicity in the 1983 anti-Tamil pogroms, the Batalanda torture chambers, the bond scam, and the suppression of democratic rights during his presidency. The list could go on. The actual charges against him at this stage involve Ranil’s expenditure of 16.6 million Rupees on his private visits during his presidency.
The capitalist legal system does not work in the interest of the working class or oppressed masses. However, at times, they are compelled to demonstrate that they are delivering “justice” without partiality, simply to survive. They can also be pressured to serve the interests of the working class when enough pressure is applied. We should, however, have no illusions about the system.
This arrest, however, has generated a feeling of satisfaction among tens of thousands involved in the Aragalaya movement. The activists in the movement have rechristened the President as “Ranil Rajapaksa,” highlighting his close ties to the Rajapakse family. Soon after the removal of the Rajapaksa family from power, he cunningly maneuvered himself to the presidency, swiftly clamping down on the protesters and creating a hostile environment for those were seeking a change in the system.
What makes this episode even more telling is that Wickremesinghe is deeply unpopular. His party was humiliatingly defeated in recent elections; he was never very popular among the ruling elites or the public at large. Yet despite this weakness, the shield of protection raised by the capitalists elites & liberal democrats around him were enormous, even though both him & the NPP government uphold very similar economic principles.
For the JVP/NPP, this moment must serve as a wake-up call. Even when elites appear to stand with them tactically, it is clear that they remain skeptical of the NPP and still prefer the old political guard over them. If the previous political establishment can mobilize such massive force for a discredited figure under such minor circumstances, what will they do when the NPP poses a direct threat to their existance?
The NPP’s own political choices make this situation even more precarious. Their continuous attacks on the working class and trade unions have eroded their standing among organized labor. If this trend continues, it is unlikely that the working class will come to their defense and there will be little reason for them to do so.
It seems instead that the NPP hopes to rely on populist support from disorganized masses. But history has repeatedly shown both in Sri Lanka and internationally that such forces, cannot withstand the concentrated power of the capitalist forces.
For the left, the lesson is clear. If such massive pressure can be mobilized to defend a discredited figure like Wickremesinghe, imagine the resistance when the left challenges the capitalist system itself when the pillars of neoliberal austerity, IMF diktats, or capitalist property are put into question.
The ruling class, capitalists, and liberal democrats will not hesitate to unleash every tool at their disposal; legal, political, economic, and even extra-legal to defend their system. No illusions should be placed in the neutrality of the state or in the permanence of outcomes like yesterday’s.
The real fight will not be won in the courts. It lies in building an organized movement of workers, youth, and the oppressed that can withstand and overcome the full force of the capitalist establishment.